:cc c^ '-' 

L ^ cc c ■ 

C.CC. <L^C 

C'^^ c: c c ■ 

<:■<■-' ccc. <^__ 

.?;< c:t^<: ^.^r.c<ccic'c <::<r cc:'c<rc cc gc 

" • c; cl ^ 
^ 0<^ iC - 

^>.' <r''<LC <«cr<r<r <i'>r 
- - - 



T- <cj<:£-'..t< C' < ctt' ■< 

'c:'C<X"CC Clc^cC-s. c<:._ C:. -C cc,^ ^ ^^ 

^ccctxa <ic. <' <T c <rA cc crc . 
:_: c <c<icc <::<r c c:' c <r c cc cc 

: C-O^e <^C'C <: CO C cdcc 



e^f. 



^CCLc 



. ._ CC cc c 

^xc crco 

.CCCSJC' 
1CC<SCC, 

_ cc Ct C<c 



LCL'<;<rCC C cOCCC 
" ' re aCCCi 

V ^^?^-:^ c ccc Cc 



<^c<;<rcc 
<;; c <<i c< 



cr.'cccc-- 
cc ccc< 



11 ■ %- ■ "•*■ "^^ ■^' '"^' * '*■'' '^ 






UlBRARY OF CONGRI 

# 

t [FORCE COLLECTION 

^ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. I 

W' __ .^ „- .»- -Si ySt.yX /IE- ■■*.■ .^ . P> 



C'^^ccc 

^.<-Cc oc 

'"C'^cc-: .cc: 
<::ccc ce 

KLiC cc CC 

jccc cc 

jg cc CC * 

exec Cd <Z«JL. C^jccec ci-rc 



-^ ^^.,-\,.-^.^-'^.''<5-.-*--^-n 



CCC 
c CC 



-<scc.-cc. <sc:cc 



' OC. CcC 



.cc cc 



ec S-'C 

c_c«^; ^-c 

. C<^C XIT <- 
CCK^cd? .t. 



: <Ic'-<C 
' -■ Cv 

' ^^C'C<C-CC 



X CcC 

cc CCC' 



CC CCC 

cc CCC 



CCC 



c cc ccc^sc 
LCCCCCC 

cc dC cc CCC 

'' ' '*s: c cc CCC 

„, ^ X C cc CCC 

^cc^_c cr c^cc 

rcc c«t C cc CCC 
ETC c«sC CCC CCC 

ICC -^CC CCC 

C^fCX^35C CCCCCC 



,cc ^<cr cc 

_ cc <5ac cc 

-i<^<:^ cc 

fe- cc <:«z cc 

£ cc <3C: Cv 

.'cc <3ir cc 

•: «z: <rr cc 



c^<3C-a::c ■ 



g 'cc: cc<s c 

&c cccc<r> 



^ c •<szcc«c:c 



i^^^c'<2<r. 
cccr^ c 

--C 
'C' 

c 

iCC ■ 

^.^c cc C 

LCC ^^^ 

£ ccL cr 

S^«cd cc 

i <^C C^ 

c cc cc 

ccc: cc 



C^cc 



rc«rc — ■" 



_ _ , ^ «s.- 

C c»cc CcCCCCL^^Si!^ 
[ic i-scr CCC c_cr<: ■^sczc 
f' cc <:. «rcc (CGc ■ c cc <rc:<^ ■«r<i c 

c< cc -c: ^c ^<s: ccrcx ' 

_ <Ec c^srrccrc cc 
<:< cc d dec c«:cdcccc ccC 
rcC O •^C c^^CCCCC cc <SCC -^Cg: < 
S< cc <r d.c cotfccrcc c <r <z <?<r: c 'Cicic < 



<Cc£< 



e c vv ' ( 

^ c< 
. c c ^- 

■» < 

<^. c 

-TV C 






' XCC C-cc< 
:: <gcc:"c < cc 



t.^v^c, <&sc. ClCs.< «K;<C^<:^Tv 






^- 



^-^ Ccf, 



.. ^ -Tcsccc ccccccyc 
^ccjcr <2:cc c cvcc<sifi' 

rS^!^ ^^S^" ccccco-0 

.^^<:j^ cc c , c«cc 



^ cccc> 

f ' cc<s< 

'' CCCr C 

!- 'cccc 
c ctcc 

CO- crcd 
C.C C£1C 

cc <sc 



JC Cc 
^C£ cc 



„cx: CO - c< 

-_ <iC C< ,c 



C-CCC S C cccc cc<r 

„^ Ccccc: 

^. C C tccdc^. 

c c_ c cccc:c«c 

„<£rc: <mzm:^ 

^^ /:t cc:cc:t 
^^^ -ji::C cccc:cc 

acoca-- c <zc c<rc_^c 



CCc c^CS 



CCj^ 






<LCri<SCLc 






^ ^v C cc <S5<c/^^ V 



: cc t 
■ cr c 
re c c 



-<:<^ cc <cr<:: 

^CC ^SS^^.rWS^ 







i^jSrf^ 



S^. 



u 



PROCEEDINGS 



CONVENTION OF DELEGATES, 



FROM THE STATES OF 

HASSACMUSETTS, CONNECTICHT, AND RHODE-ISLAND ; THE COUNTIES OP CHE- 
SHIRE AND GRAFTON, IN THE STATE OP NEW-HAMPSHIRE ; AND 
THE COUNTY OF WINDHA5I, IN THE STATE OF VERMONT; — 



CONVENED AT HARTFORD, IN THE STATE OF CONKECTICUT, 
DECEMBER 15tb, 1814. 



'A 



TBISD EDITION, CORRECTED AND IMPROVED. 






1 in I 



if C. 



S BOSTON : ^ 

P8IXTED AND PUBLISHED BV VTELLS AND LILLr. 

1815. 



E3 



^ 



M- 



REPORT, &c. 



The Delegates fiom the Legislatures of (he Slates of Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut, and Rhoile-lsland, and fioin the 
Counties of Grafton and Chesliire in Vne Stale of Nev,- 
Ilampsliiic and the county of Windham iii the Stale of 
' Vermont, assembled in Con^•enlinn, Leg leaie to report the 
following result of their conference. 

The Convention is deeply impressed with a sense of the aidii- 
ous nature of the commission whicli they were appointed to exe- 
cute, of devising Ihe means of defence against dangers, and of ze- 
lief from oppressions proceeding from (he act of tlieir own Go- 
vernment, without violating constitutional principles, or disap- 
pointing the hopes of a suffering and injured people. To pre- 
scribe patience and firmness to those who are already exhausted 
by distress, is sometimes to drive them to despair, and the pro- 
gress towards reform by the regular road, is irksome to those 
whose imaginations discern, and whose feelings prompt, to a 
shorter course. — But when abuses, reduced to system and accu- 
mulated through a course of 3'ears, have pervaded every depart- 
ment of Government, and spread corruption through every re- 
gion of the Stale ; when these are clothed with the forms of law, 
and enforced by an Executive whose will is their source, no 
summary means of relief can be ajiplied without recourse to di- 
I'ec", and open resistance. This experiment, even when justifia- 
ble, cannot fail to be painful to the good citizen ; and the suc- 
cess of the eifort will be no security against the danger of the 
example. Precedents of resistance to the worst administration, 
are eagerly seized by those who are naturally hostile !o the best. 
Necessity alone can sanction a resort to lliis measure j audit 
should never be extended in duration or degree beyond Ihe exi- 
gency, until the people, not merely in the fervour of sudden 
excitement, but after full deliberation, are determined to change 
the Constilution. 

It is a truth, not to be concealed, lliat a senliment prevails to 
no inconsiderable extent, that Administration have given such 
tonsti'uctions to that instrument, and prautised so mvuiy abuses 



under colour of its auilioiity, that the lime for a cliange is a( 
hand. Those who so believe, regard the evils which surround 
them as inliiiisic and incurable defecis in the Constitution. 
They yield to a persuasion, that no change, at any time, or on 
any occasion, can aggravate the misery of their country. This 
opinion may ultimately prove to be correct. But as the evi- 
dence on which it rests is not yet conclusive, and as measures 
adopted upon the assumption of its certainty' might be irrevoca- 
ble, some general considerations are submitted, in the hope of 
reconciling ail to a comse of moderation and firmness, which may 
save them from (he regret incident to sudden decisions, proba- 
bly avert the evil, or at least insure consolation and success in 
the last resort. 

The Constitution of the United States, under the auspices of 
a v.'ise and virtuous Administration, proved itself competent to all 
t!ie objects of national prosperity, comprehended in the views of 
its framers. No parallel can be found in history, of a transition 
so rapid as that of the Ignited States from the lowest depression 
to the highest felicity — from the condition of weak and disjointed 
republicks, to that of a great, united, and prosperous nation. 

Although this high st;-.ie of pubiick happiness has undergone a 
miserable and afflicting reverse, through the prevalence of a weak 
and profligate policy, yet the evils and afflictions which have 
thus been induced upon (he country, are not peculiar to any 
form of Government. The hist and caprice of power, the cor- 
ruption of patronage, the oppression of the weaker interests of 
the conununity by the stronger, heavy taxes, wasteful expendi- 
tures, and unjust and ruinous wars, are the natural ofTspring of 
bad Administrations, in all ages and countries. It was indeed 
to be hoped, that the rulers of these States would not make such 
disastrous haste to involve their infancy in tlie embarrassments of 
old and rotten institutions. Yet ail (his have they done ; and 
their conduct calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But 
to attempt upon every abuse of power to change the Constitu- 
tion, would be to perpetuate the evils of revolution. 

Again, the experiment of tiie powers of the Constitution, to 
regain its vigour, and of the people to recover from their delusions, 
has been hitherto made under the greatest possible disadvantages 
arising from (he s(ate of the workl. The fierce passions which 
liave convulsed the nations of Europe, have passed the Ocean, 
and finding their way to (he bosoms of our citizens, have afforded 
to Adminis(ra(ion (he means of perverting pubiick opinion, in 
respect to our foreign relations, so as to acquire its aid in the 
indulgence of their animosities, and the increase of their adhe- 
rents. Further, a reformation of pubiick opinion, resulting from 
dear bought experience, in the Southern Atlantick States, at least, 



is not to be despaired of. They will have felt, that the Eastern 
Stales cannot be made exclusive!}' the victims of a capricious 
and impassioned policy. — They will have seen that the great and 
essential inteiesis of the people, arc common to the South and 
to the East. They v.ill lealize Ihe fatal crrours of a system, 
which seeks revenge for commercial injuries in the sacrifice ol 
cominercc, and aggravates by needless wars, to an immeasurable 
extent, the injuries it professes to redress. They may discard 
the influence of visionary theorisis, and recognize the benefits of 
a practical policy. Indications of this desirable revolution of 
opinion, among our brethren in those Slates, are already mani- 
fested. — While a hope remains of its ultimate completion, its 
progress should not be retarded or slopped, by exciting fears 
wliicli must clieck these favourable (endencics, and frustrate the 
ciforls of the wisest and best men in those States, to accelerate 
this propitious change. 

Finally, if the Union be destined to dissolution, by reason of 
the multiplied abuses of bad administrations, it shoidd, if possible, 
be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate consent. — Some 
new form of confederacy should be substituted among those 
Slates, which shall intend to maintain a federal relation to each 
other. — Events may prove that the causes of our calamities are 
deep and permanent. They may be found to proceed, not merely 
from the blindness of prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of parly 
spirit, or the confusion of Ihe times ; but they may be traced to 
implacable combinations of individuals, or of States, to monopo- 
lize power and office, and to trample without remorse upon the 
rights and interests of commercial sections of the Union. When- 
ever it shall appear that these causes are radical and permanent, 
a separation by equitable arrangement, will be preferable to an 
alliance by constraint, among nominal friends, but real enemies, 
inflamed by mutual haired and jealousies, and inviting by intestine 
divisions, contempt, and aggression from abroad. But a severance 
of the Union by one or more Stales, against the will of the rest, 
and especially in a lime of war, can be justified only by absolute 
necessity. These are among Ihe principal objections against 
precipitate measures tending lo disunile the Slates, and when 
examined in connexion willi the farewell address of the Father 
of his country, they must, it is believed, be deemed conclusive. 
Under these impressions, the Convention have proceeded to 
confer and deliberate upon the alarming state of publick alTairs, 
especially as affecting the interests of the people who have ap- 
pointed them for this purpose, and lliey are naturally led to a 
consideration, in the first place, of Ihe dangers and grievances 
which menace an immediate or speed}' pressure, with a view of 
suggesting means of present relief; in (he next place, of sucli 



as are of a more remote and general description, in the hope of 
attaining future security. 

Among the subjects of complaint and apprehension, which 
might be comprised under the former of these propositions, the 
attention of the Convention has been occupied with the claims 
and pretensions advanced, and the authority exercised over the 
militia, by the executive and legislative departments of the Na- 
tional Government. Also, upon the destitution of the means of 
defence in which the Eastern States are left; while at the same 
time tliey are doomed to heavy requisitions of men and money 
for national objecls. 

The authority of the National Government over the militia is 
derived from those clauses in the Constitution wliich give power 
lo Congress " to provide for calling forth the militia, to execute 
the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel inva- 
sions" — Also, " to provide for organizing, arming and discipli- 
ning the militia, and for governing such parts of them as may 
be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to 
the States respectively the appointment of the ofHcers, and the 
authority of training the militia according to the discipline pre- 
scribed by Congress." Again, " The President shall be Com- 
mander in Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and 
of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual 
service of the United States." In these specified cases only, 
has the National Government any power over the militia ; and it 
follows conclusively, that for all general and ordinary purposes, 
this power belongs to the States respective!}^, and to them alone. 
It is not only with regret, but with astonijhment, the Convention 
perceive that under colour of an authoiilj' conferred with such 
plain and precise limitations, a power is arrogated by the execu- 
tive government, and in some instances sanctioned by the two 
Houses of Congress, of control over the militia, which if conce- 
ded, will render nugatory the rightful authority of the individual 
States over that class of men, and by placing at the disposal of 
the National Government the lives and services of the great body 
of the people, enable it at pleasure to destroy their liberties, and 
erect a military despotism on the ruins. 

An elaborate examination of the principles assumed for the 
basis of these extravagant pretensions, of the consequences to 
which they lead, and of the insurmountable objections to their 
admission, would transcend the limits of this Report. A few 
general observations, with an exhibition of the character of these 
pretensions, and a recommendation of a strenuous opposition to 
them, must not however be omitted. 

It will not be contended, that by the terms used in the con- 
stitutional compact, the po^er of the National Government t<» 



call out the militia is other than a jiowcr expressly limilcd io 
three cases. One of these must exist as a condiliou precedent 
to the exercise of that power — Unless the laws shall be opposed, 
o%an insurrection shall exist, or an invasion shall be made, Con- 
gress, and of consequence the President as their organ, has no 
more power over the militia than over the armies of a foreign 
nation. 

But if the declaration of the President should be admitted to 
be an unerring test of the existence of these cases, this important 
power would depend, not upon the truth of the fact, but upon ex- 
ecutive infallibility ; and the limitation of the power would 
consequently be nothing more than merely nominal, as it might 
alwa^Ti be eluded. It follows therefore that the decision of the 
President in this particular cannot be conclusive. It is as much 
the duty of the State authorities to watch over the rights reserv- 
ed, as of the United States to exercise the powers which are 
dclra;ated. 

The arrangement of the United States into military districts, 
with a small portion of the regular force, under an officer of high 
rank of the standing a?niy, with power to call for the militia, as 
circumstances in his judgment may require ; and to assume the 
command of them, is not warranted by the Constitution or any 
law of the United States. It is not denied that Congress may 
delegate to the President of the United States the power to call 
forth the militia in the cases which are within theirjurisdiction — 
But he has ng authority to substitute military prefects through- 
out the Union, to use their own discretion in such instances. To 
station ag officer of the army in a military district without troops 
corresponding to his rank, for the purpose of taking command 
of the militia that may be called into service, is a manifest evasion 
of that provision of the Constitution which expressly reserves to 
the States the appointment of the officers of the militia ; and the 
object of detaching such officer cannot be well conceived to be 
any other, than that of superseding the Governour or other officers 
of the militia in their right to command. 

The power of dividing the militia of the States into classes, and 
obliging such classes to furnish by contract or draft, able bodied 
men, to serve for one or more years for the defence of the fron- 
tier, is not delegated to Congress. If a claim to draft the militia 
for one year for such general object be admissible, no limitation 
can be assigned to it, but the discretion of those who make the 
law. Thus with a power in Congress to authorise such a draft 
or conscription, and in the Executive to decide conclusively 
upon the existence and continuance of the emergency, the whole 
mifitia may be converted into a standing army disposable at the 
will of the President of the United States. 



8 

The power of compelling the militia and other citizens of the 
United Stales, by a forcible draft or conscription to serve in the 
J'egidar armies, as proposed in a late official letter of the Secretary 
of War, is not delegated to Congress by the Constitution, and 
the exercise of it would be not less dangerous to their liberties, 
)han hostile to the sovereignty of the States. The effort to de- 
duce this power from the right of raising armies, is a flagrant 
attempt to pervert the sense of the clause in the Constitution 
which confers that right, and is incompatible with oiher pro- 
visions in that instrument. The armies of the United Slates 
have always been raised by contract, never by conscription, and 
nothing more can be wanting to u Government, possessing the 
power thus claimed, to enable it to usurp the entire control of 
the militia, in derogation of the authority of the State, and to 
convert it by impressment into a standing army. 

It may be here remarked, as a circumstance illustrative of the 
determination of the Executive to establish an absolute control 
over all descriptions of citizens, that the right of impressing sea- 
men info the naval service is expressly asserted by the Secre- 
tary of the Navy in a late report. Thus a practice, which in a 
foreign government has been regarded with great abhorrence by 
the people, finds advocates among those who have been the loud- 
est to condemn it. 

The law authorizmg the enlistment of minors and apprentices 
into the armies of the United Stales, without the consent of 
parents and guardians, is also repugnant to the spirit of the Con- 
stitution. By a construction of the power to raise armies, as 
applied by our present rulers, not only persons capable of con- 
tracting are liable to be impressed into the army, but those who 
are under legal disabilities to make contracts, are to be invested 
with this capacity, in order to enable them to annul at pleasure 
contracts made in their behalf by legal guardians. Such an 
interference with the municipal laws and rights of the several 
States, could never have been contemplated by the framers of 
the Constitution. It impairs the salutary control aad influence 
of the parent over his child — the master over his servant — the 
guardian over his ward — and thus destroys the most important 
relations in society, so that by the conscription of the father, and 
the seduction of the son, the power of the Executive over all the 
effective male population of the United Stales is made complete. 

Such are some of the odious features of the novel system pro^ 
posed by the rulers of a free country, imder the limited powers 
derived from the Constitution. What portion of Ihem will be 
embraced in acts finally to be passed, it is yet impossible to de- 
termine. It is, however, sufficiently alarming to perceive, that 
these projectse manate Crom the highest authority ; nor should >t 



be forsjotfen, (hat bv llie plrtii of the Secretary of War, the clas- 
sification of the iiiiiilia einhiaced the piiiiciple of direct taxation 
upon the white pojiiilalion only; aniJ llial, in the House of Re- 
presentatives, a motion to apportion tlie tnilitia among the while 
popuhition exclusively, which A-ould lia\e been in its operation a 
direct tax, was strenuously urged and supported. 

In this whole series of devices and measures for raising men, 
this Convention discern a total disregard for the Constitution, and 
a disposition to violate its provisions, demanding from the inili- 
vidual States a firm and decided op|)osition. An iron despotism 
can impose no harder servitude upon the citizen, than to force 
him from his home and his occupation, to wage otfensive wars, 
undertaken to gratify the pride or passions of liis mas'er. The 
exa nple of France has recently shewn that a cabal of individuals 
assuming to act in the name of the people, may tiansform the 
great body of citizens into soldiers, and deliver them over into 
the hands of a single tyrant. No war, not held in just abhor- 
rence by a people, can require the aid of such stratagems (o 
reciuit an army. Had the troops already raised, and in great 
numbers sacrificed upon the frontier of Canada, been employed 
for the defence of the country, and had the millions which have 
been squandered with shameless profusion, been appropriated to 
their payment, to the protection of the coast, and to the naval 
service, there would have been no occasion for unconstitutional 
expedients. Even at this late hour, let Government leave to 
New-England the remnant of her resources, and she is ready and 
able to defend her territory, and to resign the glories and advan- 
tages of the border war, to those who are .determined to persist 
in its prosecution. 

That acts of Congress in violation of the Constitution are ab- 
solutely void, is an undeniable position. It does not, however, 
consist with the respect and forbearance due from a confederate 
State towards the General Government, to fly to open resistance 
upon every infraction of the Constitution. The mode and the 
energy of the opposition should always conform to the nature 
of the violation, the intention of its authors, the extent of the 
injury inflicted, the determination manifested to persist in it, and 
the danger of delay. But in cases of deliberate, dangerous, and 
palpable infractions of the Constitution, afiTecting the sovereignty 
of a State, and liberties of the people ; it is not only the right 
but the duty of such a State to interpose its authority for their 
protection, in the manner best calculated to secure that end. 
When emergencies occur which are either bej'ond the reach of 
the judicial tribunals, or too pressing to ailmit of the delay inci- 
dent to their forirs. States, which havi' no common umpire, must 
be their own judges, and execute their own decisions. It will 



10 

thus be proper for the several States to await the ultimate dis- 
posal of llie oljiioxious measures, recommeniieti by the Secre'ary 
of AVar, or pending before Congress, and so lo use Iheir poiver 
according to the character these measures shall finally assuue, 
as efTectually to protect their own sovereignty, and the rights 
and liberties of their citizens. 

The next subject which has occupied the attention of the 
Convention, is the means of defence against the common enemy. 
This naturally' leads to the intpiiries, whether any expectation 
can be reasonably entertained, that adequate provision for the 
defence of the Eastern S ates will be made by the National 
Government? Whether the several States can, from their own 
resources, provide for self-defence and fullil the requisitions 
which are to be expected for the national Treasury ? and, gene- 
rally, what course of conduct ought to be atlopted by those 
States, in relation to the great object of defence ? 

Without pausing at present to comment upon the causes of 
the war, it may be assumed as a truth, officially announced, that 
to achieve the conquest of Canadian territory, and to hold it as 
a pledge for peace, is the deliberate purpose of Administration. 
This enterprise, commenced at a period when Government pos- 
sessed the advantage of selecting the time and occasion for mak- 
ing a sudden descent upon an unpiepared enemy, now languishes 
in the third year of the war. It has been prosecuted with vari- 
ous fortune, and occasional brilliancy of exploit, but without any 
solid acquisition. The British armies have been recruited hy 
veteran regiments. Their navy commands Ontario. The Ame- 
rican ranks are thinned by the casualties of war. Recruits are 
discouraged by the unpopular character of the contest, and by 
the uncertainty of receiving their pay. 

In the prosecution of this favourite warfare. Administration 
have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the country desti- 
tute of all efficient means of defence. The main body of the 
regular army has been marched to the frontier. — The navy has 
been stripped of a great part of its sailors for the service of the 
Lakes. Meanwhile the enemy scours the sea-coast, blockades 
our ports, ascends our bays and rivers, makes actual descents in 
various and distant places, holds some by force, and threatens 
all that are assailable with fire and sword. The sea-board of 
four of the New-England Slates, following its curvatures, pre- 
sents an extent of more than seven hinidred miles, generally oc- 
cupied by a compact population, and accessible by a naval force, 
exposing a mass of people and property to the devastation of 
the enemv, which bears a great proportion to the lesidue of the 
maritime "frontier of the United Stales. This extensive shore 
has been exposed to frequent attacks, repeated contributions. 



11 

and constant alarms. The legnlar forces detached by the na- 
tional Government for its defence, are mere pretexts for placing 
oilicers of hii^h rank in command. Tlicy are besides confined 
to a few places, and are (oo insignificaul in number to be includ- 
ed in any computation. 

These Slates have thus been left to adopt measures for their 
own defence. The militia have been constantly kept on the aiert, 
and harassed by garrison duties, and other hartlships, while the 
expenses, of which the National Government decline the reim- 
bnisement, threaten to absorb all the resources of the States. 
The President of ihe ITniled Stales has refused to consider the 
expense of Ihe militia detached by slate authority, for Ihe indis- 
pensable defence of the State, as chargeable lo the Union, on liie 
ground of a refusal by the EKeculive of Ihe Slate, lo place Ihem 
under the conunand of officers of Ihe regular army. Detachments 
of mililia placed at Ihe disposal of Ihe Geneial Government, have 
been dismissed either wilhout pa}', or with depreciated paper. 
The prospect of Ihe ensuing campaign is not enliveneil by the 
promise of any alleviation of these grievances. From aulhen- 
tick documents, extorted by necessity from those whose incli- 
nation might lead Ihem lo conceal ihe embarrassments of Ihe 
Government, it is apparent that Ihe treasury is bankrupt, and 
its credit prostrate. So deplorable is Ihe state of Ihe finances, 
Ihal those who feel for Ihe honour and safely of Ihe country, 
would be willing lo conceal the melancholy spectacle, if those 
whose infatuation has produced this slate of fiscal concerns, had 
not found themselves compelled to unveil it lo public view. 

If Ihe war be continued, there appears no room for reliance 
upon the national government for the supply of those means of 
defence, which must become indispensable to secure these 
Slates from desolation and ruin. Nor is it possible that Ihe 
Stales can discharge this sacred duty from their own resources, 
and continue to sustain the burden of Ihe national taxes. The 
Administration, afler a long perseverance in plans lo baffle every 
effort of commercial enterprise, had fatally succeeded in their 
attempts at Ihe epoch of Ihe wai-. Commerce, the vital spring 
of New-Eni;land's prosperity, v, as annihilated. Embargoes, re- 
strictions, and the rapacity of revenue officers, had completed 
its destruction. The various objects for the employment of 
productive labour, in Ihe branches of business dependent on 
commerce, have disappeared. The fisheries liave shared i(s 
fate. Manufactures, which Government has professed an in- 
tention lo favoiu- and lo cherish, as an intlemnily for the failure 
of these branches of business, are doomed to struggle in their in- 
fancy with taxes and obstructions, which cannot fail most seri- 
ously to affect their growth. The specie is withdrawn from 



12 

circulation. The landed interest, the last to feel these burdens, 
must prepare to become their principal support, as all other 
sources of revenue must be exhausted. L nder these circum- 
stances, taxes, of a description and amount unprecedented in 
this country, are in a train of imposition, the burden of which 
must fail with the heaviest pressure upon the states east of the 
Potowniac. The amount of these taxes for the ensuing year, 
cannot be estimated at less than five millions of dollars upon the 
New-England Stales, and the expenses of the last year for de- 
fence, in Massachusetts alone, approaches to one million of 
dollars. 

From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the irre- 
sistible inference, that these States have no capacity of defray- 
ing the expense requisite for their own protection, and, at the 
same time, of discharging the demands of the national treasury. 
The last inquiry, what course of conduct ought (o be adopted 
by the aggrieved States, is in a high degree momentous. When 
a great and brave people shall feel themselves deserted by their 
Government, and reduced to the necessity either of submission 
to a foreign enemy, or of appropriating to their own use those 
means of defence which are indispensable to self-preservation, 
they cannot consent to wait passive spectators of approaching 
ruin, which i; is in their power to avert, and to resign the last 
remnant of their industrious earnings, to be dissipated in support 
of measures destructive of the best interests of the nation. 

This Convention will not trust themselves to express their 
conviction of the catastrophe to which such a state of things in- 
evitably tends. Conscious of their high responsibility to God 
and their country, solicitous for the continuance of the Union, 
as well as the sovereignty of the States, unwilling to furnish ob- 
stacles to peace — resolute never to submit to a foreign enemy, and 
confiding in the Divine care and protection, they will, until the 
last hope shall be extinguished, endeavour to avert such conse- 
quences. 

With this view they suggest an arrangement, which may at' 
once be consistent with the honour and interest of the National 
Government, and the security of these States. This it will not 
be difficult to conclude, if that government should be so dis- 
posed. By the terms of it these States might be allowed to as- 
sume their own defence, by the militia or other troops. A rea- 
sonable portion, also, of the taxes raised in each Slate might be 
paid into its treasury, and credited to the United States, but to 
be appropriated to the defence of such State, to be accounted 
for with the United States. No doubt is entertained, that by- 
such an arrangement, this portion of the country could be de- 
fended with greater eflfect, and in a mode more consistent with 



13 

» 
economy, and the public convenience, than any which has been 
practised. 

Should an application for these purposes, made to Congress 
by (he State Legislatures, be attended with success, and should 
peace upon just terms appear to be unattainabli', (he people would 
stand together for the common defence, unlil a change of Ad- 
ministration, or of disposition in the enemy, should facilitate the 
occurrence of that auspicious event. It would be inexpedient 
for this Convention to diminish the liope of a successful issue to 
such an application, by recommendina;, upon supposition of a con- 
trary event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it indeed within their 
province. In a state of things so solemn and trying as may 
then arise, the Legislatures of (he States, or Conventions of the 
whole people, or delegates appointed by them for the express 
purpose in another Convention, must act as such urgent circum- 
stances may then require. 

But the duty incumbent on this Convention will not have been 
performed, without exhil)iting some general view of such mea- 
sures as they deem essential to secure the nation against a relapse 
into difficulties and dangers, should they, by the blessin"- of 
Providence, escape from their present condition without abso- 
lute ruin. To this end, a concise retrospect of the state of this 
nation under the advantages of a wise Adininisfration, contrasted 
with the miserable abyss into which it is plunged by the profiiga- 
C)' and folly of political theorists, will lead (o some practical con- 
clusions. On (his subject, it will be recollected, tliat (he ii;:me- 
dia(e influence of (he Federal Constitution upon its first adop- 
tion, and for twelve succeeding years, upon the prosperity and 
happiness of the nation, seemed to countenance a belief in the 
transcendency of its perfection over all other human institutions. 
In the catalogue of blessings which have fallen to the lot of the 
most favoured nations, none could be enumerated from which our 
country was excluded— A free Constitution, administered by 
great and incorruptible statesmen, realized the fondest hopes of 
liberty and independence — The progress of agriculture was 
stimulated by the certainty of value in the harvest — and conj- 
merce, after traversing every sea, returned with the riches of 
every clime. — A revenue, secured by a sense of honour, collected 
without oppression, and paid without murmurs, melted away the 
national debt ; and the chief concern of the publick creditor arose 
from its too rapid diminution. — The wars and commotions of the 
European nations, and the interruptions of their commercial 
intercourse afforded to those, who had not promoted, but who 
would have rejoiced to alleviate their calamities, a fair and golden 
opportunity, by enriching themselves to lay a broad foundation 
for national wealth. — Although occasional vexations to com- 



■ 14 

merce arose from Ihe furious collisions of the powers at war, 
yet the great and good men of thai time conformed (o the force 
of circnmslances which Ihey could not control, and preserved 
their counhv in security from the tempests, which overwhelmed 
the old world, and threw Ihe wreck of their fortunes on these 
shores. — Respect abroad, prosperity at iionie, wise laws made 
by lionoured legislators, and pronipi obedience yielded by a con- 
tented people, had silenced the enemies of republican institu- 
tions. — Tlie arts flourished — the sciences were cultivated — Ihe 
comforts and conveniences of life were universally diffused — and 
uothing remained for succeeding administrations, but to reap tlie 
advantages, and cherish the resources, flowing from the policy 
of their predecesso'-s. 

But no sooner was a new administration established in the 
hands of Ihe parly opposed to Ihe Wasiington policy, than a 
fixed determination was perceived and avowed of changing a sys- 
tem which had already produced these substantial fruits. The 
consequences of this change, for a few years after its commence- 
ment, were not sufficient to counteract the prodigious impulse 
towards prosperity, which had been given to the nation. But a 
steady perseverance in the new plans of administration at length 
developed their weakness and deformity, but not until a majority 
of the people had been deceived by fiatlerj-, and inflamed by 
passion, into blindness to their defects. Under the withering 
influence of this new system, Ihe declension of the nation has 
been iniiform and rapid. The richest advantages for securing 
the great objects of the Constitution have been wantonly rejected. 
While Europe reposes from the convulsions that had shaken 
■down her ancient institutions, she beholds with amazement this 
remote country, once so happy and so envied, involved in a ru- 
inous war, and excluded from intercourse with the rest of the 
world. 

To investigate and explain the means whereby this fatal re- 
verse has been effected, would require a voluminous discussion. 
Toothing more can be attempted in this Report, than a general 
allusion to Ihe principal outlines of tlie policy which has pro- 
duced this vicissitude. Among these may be enumerated 

First. — A deliberate and extensive system for effecting a 
■combination among certain States, by exciting local jealousies 
and ambition, so as to secure to popular leaders in one section of 
Ihe Union, Ihe control of publick affairs, in perpetual succession. 
To which primary object most other characteristicks of the sys- 
tem may be reconciled. 

Secondli/. — The political intolerance displayed and avowed, 
in excluding froin office men of unexceptionable merit, for want 
»f adherence to Ihe executive creed. 



ir, 

Thirdli/. — The infraclioii of (lie judiciary authority and 
riijhls, hy (ie|)iiving judges of their oflices in violation of the 
C'onslituI ion. 

Foinihli/. — The abolition of existing Taxes, requisite to pre- 
pare the Country for those chans^es to whicii nations are always 
exposed, with a view to the acipiisition of popular favour. 

Fiflhlij. — The influence of patronage in the distribution of 
offices, whicli in these stales has been almost in\ariably made 
among men the least entitled lo such distinction, and who have 
sold themselves as ready instruments for distracting piiblick 
opinion, and encouraging administration to hold in contempt the 
wishes and re.iionstrances of a people tiuis apparently divided. 

Sixthly. — The ailraission of new States into the Union, form- 
ed at pleasure in the western region, has destroyed the balance 
of power which existed among the original States, and deeply 
affected their interest. 

Seventhly. — The easy admission of naturalized foreigners 
to places of trust, honour or profit, operating as an inducement 
lo the malcontent subjects of^ the old world lo come to these 
States, in quest of executive patronage, and lo repay it by an 
abject tievotiou to executive measures. 

Ei'^h'hii/. — Hostility to Great-Britain, and partiality to the 
late government of France, adopted as coincident with popular 
prejudice, and subservient to the main object, parly power. 
Connected with these must be ranked erroneous and distorted 
estimates of the power and resources of those nations, of the pro- 
bable results of their controversies, and of our political relations 
to them respectively. 

Lastly and principally. — A visionary and superficial theory 
in regard to commerce, accompanied by a reaj hatred but a feign- 
ed regard to its interests, and a ruinous perseverance in efTorts 
to render it an instrument of coercion and war. 

But it is not conceivable that the obliquity of any administra- 
tion could, in so short a period, have so nearly consummated 
the work of national ruin, unless favoured by defects in the 
Constitution. 

To enumerate all the improvements of which that instrument 
is susceptible, and to propose such amendments as niii;hl render 
it in all respects perfect, would be a task, which this Convention 
has not thought proper to assume. — They have confined their 
attention to such as experience has demonstrated to be essential, 
and even among these, some are considered entitled to a more 
serious attention than others. They are suggested without any 
intentional disrespect to other States, and are meant to be such 
as all shall find an interest in promoting. Their object is to 
strengthen, and if possible to perpetuate, the Union of the 
States, by removing the grounds of existing jealousies, and pro- 



16 

vidino; for a fair and equal representation, and a limitation of pow- 
ers wliich have been misused. 

The tirst amendment proposed, relates to the apportionment 
of Representatives among the slave-holding States. This can- 
not be claimed as aright. Those Slates are entitled to the slave 
representation, by a constitutional compact. It is therefore 
nierelv a subject of agreement, which should be conducted upon 
principles of mutual interest and accommodation, and upon which 
no sensibility on either side should be permitted to exist. It 
has proved unjust arrd unequal in its operation. Had this effect 
been foreseen, the privilege would probably not have been de- 
manded ; certainly not conceded. lis tendency in future will 
be adverse to that harmony and mutual confidence, which are 
more conducive to the happiness and prosperity of every con- 
federated Stale, than a mere preponderance of power, the prolifick 
source of jealousies and controversy, can be to any one of Ihem. 
The time may therefore arrive, when a sense of magnanimity 
and justice will reconcile those States to acquiesce in a revision 
of this article, especially as a fair equivalent would result to them 
in 'he apportionment of taxes. 

The next amendment relates to the admission of new Stales 
into the union. 

This amendment is deemed to be highly important, and in 
fact indispensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to recog- 
nise the right of Congress to admit new States without the origi- 
nal limits of the United Slates, nor is any idea entertained of 
distiubing the tranquillity of any Slate already admitted into the 
union. The object is merely to restrain the constitutional power 
of Congress in admitting new Stales. At the adoption of the 
Constitution, a certain balance of power among the original par- 
ties was considered to exist, and there was at that time, and yet 
is among those parties, a strong affinity between their great and 
general interests. — By the admission of these States, that balance 
has been materially afTected, and unless the practice be modi- 
fied, must ultimately be destroyed. The Southern Slates will 
first avail themselves of their new confederates to govern the 
East, and finally the Western States multiplied in number, and 
augmented in population, will control the interests of the whole. 
Ttius for the sake of present power, the Southern States will be 
CO nmon sufferers with the East, in the loss of permanent advan- 
tages. None of the old States can find an interest in creating 
prematurely an overwhelming Western influence, which may 
hereat^ler discern (as it has heretofore) benefits to be derived to 
them by wars and commercial restrictions. 

The next aalendinenls proposed by the convention, relate to 
the powers of Congress, in relation to Embargo and the interdic- 
tion ol commerce 



17 

Whatever tlieoiies upon the sulijecf of commerce li.ive liilli- 
er<o divitleil llie opinions of statesmen, experience lias at laiit 
shewn, that it is a vital interest in tlie United Stales, ami that its 
success is essential to the encoiiraiement of agriculture and man- 
ufactures, and fo the wealth, finances, defence, and liberty of tlie 
nation. Its welfare can never interfere with the other great in- 
terests of the Stale, but niu«l pioino'e and npbold tlioui. Still, 
those who are immedialelv' concerned in the prosecution of com- 
merce, will of necessity be always a minority of the nation. 
They are, however, best qualified to manage and direct its 
course by the advantages of experience, and (he sense of inte- 
rest. But they are entirely unable to protect themselves against 
the sudden and injudicious decisions of bare majorities, and the 
mistaken or oppressive projects of those who are not actively 
concerned in its pursuits. Of consecpience, this interest is al- 
ways exposed to be harassed, interrupted, and entirely destroy- 
ed, upon pretence of securing other interests. Had the mer- 
chants of this nation been permitted, by their own government, 
to pursue an innocent and lawful connnerce, how different would 
have been the state of the treasury and of pnblick credit ! IIow 
shortsighted and miserable is the policy which has annihilated 
this order of men, and doomed their ships to rot in the docks, 
their capital to waste unemployed, and their afTections to ba 
alienated from (he Government which was formed to protect 
them ! What security for an amp'e and unfailing revenue can 
ever be had, comparable to that which once was realized in tlie 
good faith, punctuality, and sense of honour, which attached the 
mercantile class to the interests of (he Government ? Without 
commerce, where can be found the aliment for a navy ; and 
without a navy, what is to constitute the defence, and ornament, 
and glory of this nation ? No union can be durably cemented, in 
which every great interest does not find itself reasonably secured 
against the encroachment and combinations of other interests. 
When, therefore, the past system of embargoes and commercial 
restrictions shall have been reviewed — when the fluctuation and 
inconsistency ofpublick measures, bctraj'ing a want of information 
as well as feeling in the majority, shall have been considered, 
the reasonableness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare 
majority to repeat these oppressions, will appear to be obvious. 

The nex( amendment proposes to resnict the power of making 
offensive war. In the consideration of this amendment, it is not 
necessary to inquire into the justice of the present war. But one 
sentiment now exists in relation to its expediency, and regret 
for its declaration is neaily universal. No indemnity can ever 
be attained for this terrible calamity, and its only palliation niust 
be found in obstacles to its future recurrence. Rarelv can the 



18 

state ol' this country call for or justify oft'eiisive war. The ge- 
nius of our institutions is unfavourable to its successful prosecu- 
tion; the felicity of our situation exempts ns from its necessity. 
— In this case, as in the former, those more immediately expo- 
sed to its fatal effects are a minority of the nation. Tlie com- 
mercial towns, the shores of our seas and rivers, contain tlie pop- 
ulation, whose vital interests are most vulnerable by a foreign 
enemy. Agriculture, indeed, must feel at last, but this appeal 
to its sensibility comes too late. Again, the immense population 
vihich has swarmed into the West, remote from immeiliate dan- 
ger, and whicli is constantly augmenting, will not be averse from 
the occasional disturbances of the Atiantick States. Thus inte- 
rest may not unfrequently combine witii passion and intrigue, to 
plunge the nation into needless wars, and compel it to become a 
military, rather than a happy and flourishing people. These 
considerations, which it would be easy to augment, call loudly for 
the limitation proposed in the amendment. 

Another amendment, subordinate in importance, but still in a 
high degree expedient, relates to the exclusion of foreigners, 
hereafter arriving in the United States, from the capacity of hold- 
ing offices of trust, honour or profit. 

That the stock of population already in these States, is amply 
sufficient to render this nation in due time sufficiently great and 
powerful, is not a controvertible question — Nor will it be seri- 
ously pretended, that tlie national deficiency in wisdom, arts, 
sciencej arms or virtue, needs to be replenished fiora foreign 
countries. Still, it is agreed, that a liberal policy should offer 
the rights of hospitality, and the choice of settlement, to those 
who are disposed !o visit the country. — But why admit to a par- 
ticipation in the gov€rnment aliens wiio were no parties to the 
compact — who are ignorant of the nature of our institutions, and 
have no slake in the welfare of the country, but what is recent 
and transitory? It is sureiy a privilege sufficient, to admit them 
after due probation to become citizens, for all but political pur- 
poses. — To extend it beyond these limits, is to encourage for- 
eigners to come to these states as candidates for preferment. The 
Convention forbear to express their opinion upon the inauspi- 
cious efTects which have already resulted to the honour and 
peace of this nation, from this misplaced and indiscriminate lib- 
erality. 

The last amendment respects the limitation of tha office of 
President to a single constitutional term, and his eligibility from 
tlyj same State two terms in succession. 

Upon this topick it is superfluous to dilate. The love of 
power is a principle in the human heart, which too often impels 
'(> the IMP of all practicable means to prolong its duration. The 



m 

office of President has charms and allraclions wliich operate as 
powert'ul incentives 1o this passion. The firs! anil most nalnral 
exertion of a vast patronage is directed towards the security of 
a new election. The interest of the coinilry, the welfare of the 
people, even honest fame and respect for the opinion of postcr- 
ifj, are secondary considerations. All the engines of intrigue, 
all the means of corruption, are likely to he employed for this 
object. A President, whose j)oli(ical career is limited to a single 
election, may find no other interest than will he promoted by 
maliing it glorions to himself, and beneficial to liis country. But 
the hope of re-election is proiifick of temptations, under which 
these magnanimous motives are deprived of (heir principal force. 
The repeated election of the President of the United States from 
any one State, atTords inducements and means for intrigue, which 
tend to create an undue local iTifluence, and to establish the dom- 
ination of particular Slates. The justice, therefore, of securing 
to everj- State a fair and eqiral cliance for (he election of this 
officer from its own citizens, is apparent, and this object will be 
essentially promoted by preventing an election from the same 
S(a(c twice in succession. 

Such is tlie general view which this Convention has thonght 
proper to submit, of the situation of these States, of (heir dan- 
gers and their duties. Most of the subjects which it embraces 
have separately received an ample and luminous investigation, 
by the great and able asserlors of the rights of their Country, in 
the Nationa' Legislature; and nothing md^e could be attempted 
on (his occasion, (Iian a digest of general principles, and of rc- 
comnienda(ions, suited to the present state of publick affairs. 
The peculiar difficulty and delicacy of performing, even (liis 
imdertaking, will be appreciated by all wlio tliink seriouslv upon 
the crisis. Negociations for Peace are at this hour supposed to 
be pending, the issue of which must be deeply' interesting to all. 
No measures should be adopted, which might unfavourabiy affect 
that issue ; none which should embarrass the Administradon, if 
their professed desire for peace is sincere ; and none, wliich on 
supposition of (heir insincerhy, should afford (hem pre(ex(s for 
prolonging (he war, or relieving (hemselves from the respcnsi- 
bili(3' of a dishonourable peace. It is also devoutlj^ to be wisJied, 
that an occasion may be afforded to all friends of the country, of 
all parties, and in all places, to pause and consider the awful state, to 
which pernicious counsels, and blind passions, have brought tliis 
people. The number of (hose whoperceivc,and wiio are ready to 
retrace errours, must, it is believed, be ye( snfi3cien( to redeem the 
nation. It is necessary to rally and unite (hem by (he assurance, 
that no hos(ili(y (o the Cons(i(ution is nicditaled, and to obtain 
their aid, in placing it under gimvclinns, who alone can sa\c it 



20 

from destrucliou. Sliould (his fortunate change be eltecled,the 
liope of happiness anil honour luaj once more dispel the sur- 
louuding gloom. Our nation niay yet be great, our union dura- 
ble. But should this prospect be utterly hopeless, the time will 
not have been lost, which shall have ripened a general sentiment 
of the necessity of more mighty eflbrts to rescue from ruin, at 
least some portion of our beloved Country- 

THEREFORE RESOLVED— 

That it be and hereby is recommended to the Legisla- 
tures of the several States represented in tffis Convention, to 
adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectually to pro- 
tect the citizens of said States from the operation and effects of 
all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of 
the United Slates, which shall contain provisions, subjecting 
the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or 
impressments, not authorized by the Constitution of the United 
States. 

Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the said 
Uegislatures, to authorise an iinniediale and earnest application 
to be made to the Government of the United States, requesting 
their consent to some arrangement, whereby the said States 
may, separately or in concert, be empowered to assume upon 
themselves the defence of their territory against the enemy ; and 
a reasonable portion im the taxes, collected within said States, 
may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appropri- 
ated to the payment of the balance due said States, and to the 
future defence of the same. The amount so paid into the said 
treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements made as afore- 
said to be charged to the LTnited States. 

Resolved, That it be, and it hereby is, recommended to the 
Legislatures of the aforesaid States, to pass laws (where it has 
not already been done) authorizing the Governours or Com- 
manders in Chief of their militia to make detachments from the 
same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most convenient 
and conformable to their Constitutions, and to cause the same to 
be well armed, equipped and disciplined, and held in readiness 
for service ; and upon the request of the Governour of either of 
the other States, to employ the whole of such detachment or 
corps, as well as the regular forces of the State, or such part 
thereof as may be required and can be spared consistently with 
the safety of the State, in assisting the State, making such re- 
t[uest to repel any invasion thereof which shall be made or at- 
tempted by the publick enemy. 



21 

Resolved, That the following amendments ol' (lie (Jonstilulioii 
of the United States, be recommended to the States represent- 
ed as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the 
State Legislatures, and, in such cases as may be deemed expe- 
dient, by a Convention chosen by the people of each Slate. 

And it is tiirllier reconnnended, that the said States shall 
persevere in their efTorts to obtain such amendments, until (he 
same shall be effected. 

First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportion- 
ed among the several States which may be included within this 
union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, in- 
cluding those bound to serve for a term of years, and excluding 
Indians not taxed, and all o(her persons. 

Second. No new StaJe shall be adiiiittcd into the union by 
Congress in virtue of the power granted by the Constitution, 
without the concurrence of two thirds of both Houses. 

Third. Congress shall not have power to lay any embargo on 
the ships or vessels of (he citizens of the United States, in the 
ports or harbours (hereof, for more than sixty days. 

Fourth. Congress shall not have po\fer, without the concur- 
rence of (wo thirds of both Houses, to interdict the conniiercial 
intercourse between the United S(ates and any foreign na(ion or 
the dependencies thereof. 

Fifth. Congress shall not make or declare war, or authorize 
acts of hostility against any foreign nation, without the concur- 
rence of two thirds of both Houses, except such ac(s of hos(ili(y 
be in defence of (he territories of the United States when actu- 
ally invaded. 

Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized, shall 
be eligible as a member of the Senate or House of Representa- 
tives of the United States, nor capable of holding any civil office 
under the authority of the Lnited States. 

Seventh. The same person shall not be elected President of 
the United States a second time ; noj- shall the President be 
elected from the same State two terras in succession. 

Resolved, That if the application of these States (o the go- 
vernment of the United Slates, recommended in aforegoing Re- 
solution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be con- 
cluded, and the defence of these States should be neglected, as 
it has been since (he commencement of the war, it will in the 
opinion of this Convention be expedient for the Legislatures of 
the several States to appoint Delegates (o ano(her Convention, 
to meet at Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, on the third 
Thursday of June next, with such powers and instructions as 
the exigency of a crisis so momentous may reriuire. 



Resolved, That llie Hon. George Cabot, the Hon. Chauncey 
Goodrich, and the Hon. Daniel Ljinan, or any two of them, be 
authorized to call another meeting of this Convention, to be hol- 
den in Boston, at any time before new Delegates shall be chosen, 
as recommended in the above Resolution, if in their judgment 
the situation of the Country shall urgently require it. 

Hartford, January 4th, 1815. 



GEORGE CABOT, 
NATHAN DANIiV- 
VVILLIAM PRESCOrf , 
HARRISON G. OTIS, 
TIMOTHY BIGELOW, 
JOSHUA THOiWAS, 
SAMUEL S. WILDE, 
JOSEPH LYMAN, 
STEPHEN LONGFELLOW, Jr. 
DANIEL WALDO, 
HODIJAII BAYLIES, 
GEORGE BLISS, 
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH, 



JABIES HILLHOUSE, 
JOHN TREAD WELL, 
ZEPHANIAH SWIFT, 
NATHANIEL SMITH. 
CALVIN GODDARD, 
ROGER M. SHERMAN. 
DANIEL LTMAN, 
SAMUEL WARD. 
EDWARD MANTON, 
BENJAMIN HAZARD. 
BENJAMIN WEST, 
MILLS OLCOTT, 
WILLIAM HALl, Jr. . 



STATEMENTS, 

PRCPARrn AND PUBLISnSD BY ORDEB Of THE CONVENTION OF DF.LKCATE^, 
IIELn AT lIARTfORD, DECU.MIIER 1S> llUt, 

-'.\n rniNTED tiY TUTAK OHBF.tr. - 



SCHEDULE (A,) 

Sliewing the ascertaiiictl expenses of the war, prior to July I, 1814. 

Militun/ Department, or land forces, from January 1, to Sept. 30, 

1812, iudiiduig about six months of peace, and three months of 

war, in tliat year, - $7,4(;4,S14 80 

From Sept. 30, 1812, to Sept. 30, 1813, - 18,484,750 49 

From Sept. 30, 1313, to Dec. 31, 1813, - 5,887,747 00 

From Jan. 1, to July 1, 1814, - - - 11,210,238 00 

Ascertaine<'. expenses of the Land forces from } c^oni? i^^n oa 

Jan. 1, !812,to Julyl,18l4,r ' ' 

i^avj; Dcpaiimciit, from Jan. 1, to Sept. 30, 1812, 

about six months of peace, and three months of 

war, the sum of - - - S2,G38,612 95 

From Sept. .30, 1812, to Sept. > „ .^„ .^.^ p„ 

30, 1313, i, D,-i_u,,u< ,_u 



From Sept. .30, to Dee. 31, 1813, 1,248,145 10 
From Jan. 1, to Jnly 1, 1314, 4,012,890 90 



-14,320,305 15 



Ascertairseti war expenses to July 1,1814, $57,307,015 44 

fo whieh must be added, large sums not ascertained, 
and, also disbursements made bj- individual Stales, 
♦hese must be more than - . - - 3,000,000 00 



§00,367,915' 44 



Note. — The rdilitary and Naval expenses of the United States from 
January 1, 1812, to June 18, 1812, when' war ^Ya3 declared, are in- 
cluded in the abiAe Account, and were, partly on account of the peact^ 
establishment, and, in part, preparations for war. So th?t this enor- 
mous expenditure was incurred in the IMllilary Und Naval depart 
menis alone, in tv,o year^ of srsjalt \v;itf;iTf-,. and in six Tnonth>; tliPt 
preceded 'it. 



24 



SCHEDULE (B,) 

Shewing the receipts at the Treasury of the United States from 
January ], 1812, to July 1, 1814, including about 6 months of peace, 
and aliout tivo years ot war, to wit — 

From Jan. 1, to Oct. 1, I812, from the proceeds of 
the customs, the sales of land, &c. being three fourths 

of the revenue year, $8,201,210 18 

1 lie balance in the Treasury charged this account, 3,947,818 36 
„ *., '"^ uidlion loan under the act of March 
■^' '°^-' " - - - - - - 5,847,212 50 

x> ■ . r ^ $17,990,241 04 

Receipts Irom Oct. 1, 1812, to Oct. 1, 1813, to wit— 
From the |)roceeds of the customs, 812,596,491 55 
Sales of land, - . . 830,671 53 

Other items of revenue, - 140,879 35 

13,568,042 43 

On account of the 11 million loan, §4,337,487 50 
On the 10 million loan, act Feb. 

^' '^13' 14,488,125 00 

Treasury Notes issued on the act of 
June 30, 1812, - . . 4,898,300 00 

Do. do. act Feb. 
-^' 1^13, 253,000 00 

„ . 23,976,912 50 

Keceipis from Oct. 1, 1813, to Jan. 

1, 1814, to wit— 

From the customs and sales of 

lands, &c. .... $3,fi78'565 00 

On the 16 million loan, - - 1,5)1,875 00 

On the seven and half million loan, 3,907,335 00 
Treasury notes, - - . 3,778,700 00 

12,876,475 00 

Receipts from Jan. 1, to July 1, 

1814, to wit— 

From the proceeds of the customs, 4,182,088 25 

Sales of iiublick lauds, - - 540,005 03 

Internal duties and direct tax, 2,189,272 40 

Postage and incidental receipts, 100,744 00 



On the 7 1-2 million loan, 
act Aug. 2, 1813, - $3,592,665 

On 10 million loan (part 
of the 25 millions) - 6,087,01 1 



$7,078,1.70 33 



Carried forv.ard, Sf>,C79,07ti .§7,078,170 33 $03,117,670 97 



)io 



Brouixht lip. 

Treasury notes 
on act Feb. 25, 
1813, - 51,070,000 

Do. on act 
March 24, 1814, 1,302,100 



9,079,U7U $7,078,170 33 $08,417,070 97 



2,462,100-12,141,770 00-10,219,946 33 



Deduct cash in the treasury, July 1, 1814, 



87,637,617 30 
4,722,659 32 

382,914,;)57 98 



Deduct payments mule at the trea- 
sury in the smie (leiiod from Jan. 1, 
1812, to July 1, 1814, to wit— 

TlieciviTlist, Imliiin department, i^c. $4,697,872 32 

Interest and principal of the publick 
debt, 21,101,417 72-25,799,200,04 



Left for war purposes in this jieriod, - - $.^7,115,667,04 

Note- — Thus while the war cost above 60 millions of dollai-s, ;ind 

the land forces 40 millions of the sum, there was but a small British 

army employed against the United States, and in this period, disgrace 

generally attended the American arms by land, 

SCHEDULE (C) 
Shcwina; the great increase of the revenues of the United States, 
from the adoption of the Constitution to the adoption of the restric- 
tive system ; and while commerce continued free, and the great 
diminution of these revenues since that system was resorted to — ' 
they were as follow, as by Treasury statements. 



nor to 1792, 


$4,418,913 


1803, 


11,064,067 


In 1 792, 


3,661,932 


1804, 


11,828,307 


1793, 


4,714,423 


1805, 


13,560,t563 


1794, 


5,128.432 


1806, 


15,559,031 


1795, 


5,954,534 


1807, 


16,398,019 


1796, 


7,137,529 


5808, 


17,000,661 


1797, 


8,403,560 


1809, 


7,773,473 


1798, 


7,820,575 


1810, 


9,384,214 


1799, 


7,475,773 


1811, 


14,423,529 


1800, 

1801, 


10,777,709 
12,846,530 


9 months of 1812, 


6,927,706 






1802, 


13,668,223 




$215,988,703 



Nole — As bonds were given for the duties, and they usually utcome 
payable the nest year — the duties payable in any year, were, gene- 
rally, collected on the im lortations of the preceding year, as the 
$17,060,661 received in 1803 were the duties on the great im|)orta- 
tions of 1807, a few small sums excepted. 

Note, also — All these revenues arose from commerce, except 
$16,262,651. 

It will he observed that all tlie sources of revenue exclusive i)f im- 
post and tonnage duties, did not, on an average, amount to 



million of dollars a year; 
4 



so that (be impost and tonnage duties, the 



26 

four years preceding the long embargo, amounted to about fifty-eight 
millions of dollars, or to $14,500,000 a year. And if Ibere had been no 
emiiargoes or restrictions on commerce these would have incieased, at 
least not decreased till the war was commenced. That commenced 
four years and a half after the embargo was laid. It will be seen that 
all the revenues amounted, in four years, before the embargo, to 
$fi2,579,274, and deducting for other sources of revenue, one million a 
year, there will remain $58,579,274 received from imposts and 
tonnage duties : whereas in the three years and nine months after the 
embargo was laid, all the revenues, as above, amounted only to 
$38,508,922, or at the rate of $40,817,990 in four years; but in these 
four years were included, not only the ordinary million a year, but the 
two million direct tax of 1798, and the new internal duties of those 
four years, whence was collected at least two millions and a half; 
hence deduct $6,500,000 from $40,817,990 leaves, received from im- 
post and tonnage duties $34,317,990,— $24,261,284 less than was 
received in the four years preceding the embargo; that is, above six 
millions a year, or above twenty-seven millions for the four years and a 
half, the restrictive system existed before the war; hence this sum was 
clearly lost by this system — See Schedule F. 

Note, also — The said $16,262,651 was received thus, — from in- 
ternal revenue, $6,460,003; direct tax, $1,757,240; sales of land, 
$6,161,283 02; postage of letters, &c. $667,343; miscellaneous, 
$1,216,775. 

Therefore, it is clear, that if there had been no restrictive system or 
war, the old debt of the United States, would have been, before this 
time, paid, or nearly paid. 



SCHEDULE (D,) 

Shewing the state of the army of the United States previous tO' 
July 1, 1814. It was thus— efifectives 27,010; aggregate 31,539; sta- 
tioned as follows : 

In the first Military District, at Boston, Portsmouth, Portland and 
Eastport, aggregate number 655 

2 Military District at New-London, &c. 714 

3 do. at New-York, 2,116 

4 do. at Fort Mifflin, <fcc. 308 

5 do. at Baltimore, Norfolk, 2,244 

6 do. North and South Carolina and Georgia, 2,244 
' 7 do. at New-Orleans, Mobile, &c. 2,378 



Stationed on the sea board, 10,659 

8 Military District at Detroit, Sandwich, &c. 2,472 

9 do. division of the right, 1 1 ,795 

at BuSaloe, Sacket's harbour, &:c. 6,613 

18,408 

on the Canada line, 20,880 



total— 31,539 



27 

Recruits enlisted from January 27, 1814, to September 30, 1814, ae 
by the return of the lns|iector General were 13,898: 
to wit— ill February 1814, S80 

March „ 2,357 

A|)ril „ 2,501 

May „ 2,1 3S 

June „ 1,445 

July „ 1,486 

August „ 1,687 

Sept. „ 1,304 

13,808 

jVofe— An army of 31,539, early in tlic year 1814, was, no doubt, a 
much larger army than the United States lve|)t up the two tirst years 
of the war; and if properly employed, 31,000 regular troops were cer- 
tainly adequate to oppose any force Great Britain, in those years, 
employed against the United States— 31,000 men, according to the 
estimates of the War and Treasury Departments, should not have cost 
more than 12 millions a year, or 24 millions in the two years; whereas 
the land forces did cost 46 millions and more, in the wasteful manner 
in which the war was conducted. 

Note, also — When it is considered the United States had on the 1st 
of July, 1814, a regular army of 31,539, and enlisted in 8 months, 
from February 1, to October 1, 1814, 13,898 men, for what possible 
pvfence can the national government have recourse to conscription, 
and measures destructive of the liberties df the people, to fill the ranks 
of the army ? The course of enlistments amply proves, that if the army 
be well paid and sui)|)orted, and according to contracts, there can be 
no occasion to resort to such violent measur^- 

Note, also—Ot the 10,659 regular troops on the sea board, only 
1,369 were stationed iu New-England. 



SCHEDULE (E.) 

Though the operations of the war in 1 781 and 1 782 were great, espe- 
cially in the Southern Stales, yet it cost America far less than fifteen 
millions a year, as will appear by the publick documents. In 1782 Con- 
gress made an estimate for an army of 25,000 men. This estimate, 
which proved to be correct, was a little over eight millions of dollars. 
The individual States' expenses will be found not to have exceeded four 
millions a year, and Navy expenses were trifling. In 1 781 the es|)ensps 
were about three millions more than iu 1782. — Prices were about the 
same then as now. 

The following is an abstract of the expenditures of the United States 
from the adoption of the Constitution, to Oct. 1, 1812, taken from Trea-. 
sury Reports : 



2^ 



'rior to 1 792, 


$ 1,718.129 


1803, 


4,062,824 


In« 1792, 


1,766,077 


1804, 


4,052,858 


1793, 


1,707,848 


1805, 


6,357,234 


1794, 


3,500,348 


1806, 


6,080,209 


1795, 


4,350,596 


1807, 


4,984,572 


1796, 


2,531,930 


1808, 


6,504.338 


1797, 


2,833,590 


1809, 


7,414,672 


1798, 


4.623,223 


1810, 


5,311,082 


1799, 


6.480,1 66 


1811, 


5,592,604 


1800, 


7,411,369 


9montlisofl812, 


11,760,292 


IROl 


4,981.669 
3,737,079 






X OV 1 , 

1802, 




$ 107,763,309 



Note....T\\ese expenditures do not include the interest and principal 
of the ])uhlick debt. 

Never after tlie peace of 1783, till 1812, did the expenditures of the 
United States amount to seven millions and a half in any year. 

In 1 781 Cornwallis was takeil, and it is ascertained tliat over 26,000 
British lroo|.s were .sent into the four Southern States in less than two 
years in 1780 and 1781. The United States were oliliged to keep up _ 
large forces in the Middle and Northern States; and the militia drafts 
were often made in those two years. — During tiie long period from 
March 4, 1789, to Oct. 1, 1812, the whole Military expenditures of the 
United States were but $44,066,745 65 including Indian wars, war with 
France, and with the Barhary powers, the Pennsylvania insurrection, 
and several millions expended in the present war before October, 1812. 
Much less than two millions of dollars a year. And the Navy expen- 
ditures diiriiis: the B;<me long period were but $29,889,660 78. About 
one million and a quarter a year. 

Further, An examination of the publick documents will shew, that the 
eight-years-war of the revolution did not cost more than 205,000,000 
of fpfcie dollars. More than half that sum was expended in the three 
first years, when paper money was abundant, and the American and 
British armies most numerous; a period in which we withstood the 
forces of the enemy alone, in a manner so honourable to our arms. 

SCHEDULE (F.) 
This Schedule brings into one view the great loss of revenue occa- 
sioned by the Restrictive System, and the enormous waste of publick 
monies in the two first years of this war; the particulars whereof are 
stated ill the preced.ing Schedules. 

1. 27 millions of dollars, at least, were lost by reason of 
restrictions on commerce, for four years and a half before 

the war was declared or commenced, as in scheduleC, $27,000,000 

2. War expenses, as stated in schedule A, to the amount 
of $60,367,915, at least, were incurred in this war before 
July 1, 1814; wliereas, on any scale of expenses of any 
wars, ever carried on in this country heretofore, the war 
expenses from January 1812, to July 1, 1814, ought not to 
have exceeded 27 millions, if indeed ihey could equal that 
sum. There then was clearly a wasteful and improvident 



29 

Amount broiifi;lit Forward, 27,000,000 
expenditure of luiUlicU monies, iu llie war and navy depart- 
ments, in this siiort period, of more than 33 millions of dol- 
lars, . - - 33,000,000 

Revenue and pulilic monies lost by foolish restrictions, 

and in a profligate management of the war, - - $00,000,000 

Schedule E, also, shews liow moderate our military expenses were 
prior to the present war. 

iYo<f....Had this large sum been saved, as it might have been, with 
perfect ease by a wise and economical adrniuislration, the credit of the 
United States, at this moment, would have been uiiimiiaired, and the 
very heavy direct and internal taxes now laid ou the peojde to sujijily 
the place of this sum, so lost and wasted, might have be^n avoided. 

In fact, examine the expenditures of all former wars in this country, 
the force brought against it in the two first years of this w ar, and every 
cause of necessary expenditure, and it will ap|)€ar, that not so much as 
27 millions ought to have been expended in the military and naval de- 
partments in the period in question. 



SCHEDULE (G,) 

Shewing the amounts of the several Internal Duties, distinctly, that 
have accrued for the two first quarters of tlie year 1814. Ascer- 
tained to have been received in each State and Territory of the 

United States, viz. 



jNaiiies ^i 


Lu-en^i_'s for 




Licenses 


Duties on 






Slates and 


Stills and 


Carriages. 


for 


Sales at 


Refined 


Stamps. 


Territories. 


Boilers. 




Retailers. 


Auction. 


Sugar. 


' 


lNu«-Hainp. 


4817 *i 


6155 08 


15154 


351 29 




544 05 


Massacliu-setts. 


6r.;i7 8U 


33160 73 


79220 


12235 05 


120 00 


11281 18 


Vermont, 


19710 5'J 


2532 18 


12271 


7 96 




13 35 


Rhode- Island, 


lli2U.l 23 


2842 88 


15702 


6039 23 




5329 80 


Connecticut, 


42378 3t; 


13092 6! 


28556. 


79 48 1-2 




7338 37 


New-York, 


154484 (17 


2I6S7 23 


l.')6492 


8872 69 1-2 




51935 06 


New-Jersey, 


1342!t 5!1 


16253 92 


27163 


2323 80 




3350 49 


Pennsylvania, 


27178U 


25707 08 1-2 


113852 


10371 61 




455P0 45 


Delaware, 


1447 50 


5118 18 


7477 


116 25 




2701 56 


Maiyland, 


367:«i 37 


16965 97 l: 


42300 


5344 111-4 




20300 82 3-4 


Viiniiu,, 


1 18442 91 


28336 91 


46691 


2018 20 




21378 03 1-2 


Nortli-Caro. 


44780 20 


13594 29 3-4 


20644 


444 14 1-4 




5212 4134 


Georaia, 


1107ti (J8 


6532 12 1-4 


11931 


1003 17 




2145 76 


South-Caro. 


3221J 07 


15024 72 


20:343 


923 52 




10310 IB 


Ohio, 


84708 59 


456 24 


15200 






3246 87 1-3 


Kentucky, 


56082 in 


2634 69 1-2 


13634 


160 08 1-2 




4135 38 


Tennessee, 


4ti855 97 


661 11 


7612 






946 05 


Louisiana, 


5485 03 


840 81 


7079 


1878 30 


26 2.i 


7119 86 


Illinois Ter. 


490 41 


62 


335 






5 60 


Michigan „ 




54 


1135 


28 93 




21 24 


Indiana ,, 


12G3 73 


4 


1396 








Missouri ,, 


2027 38 


75 


1340 




( 15 45 


JVt.ssisippi ,, 


I5(i2 07 


303 


3305 


91 82 




6j2 76 


Dis. of Colum. 




2044 91 


9505 


154 32 




10159 56 




1062758 9<t 


214639 73 1-2 


663887 


53494 03 • 146 34 


217364 28 1-2 



GROSS TOTAL— ? 2,2 12,290 38. 



30 



SCHEDULE (H.) 

This shews the great increase of the commerce o( the United States, 
under federal administrations when it was free. Also its great diminu- 
tion under embargoes, restrictions and war. 2. The comparative ex- 
ports of the several States from time to time. 3. The kind of exports, 
as articles domeatiek or foreign, as productions of the forest, of agricul- 
ture, of the sea, &c. 

1. The exports of the United States every fifth year, to wit — 

iVo<f....Thus the exports, when 
commerce was free, increased near- 
ly fold in 15 years, and under 
restrictions diminislied about one 
half as stated below. 

Exports of the United States four 
years under restrictions, and 
one year in vyar, viz. 

1808 Domestick Arts $8,417,000 
Foreign do. 12,997,414 

1 809 Domestick do. 
Foreign do. 

1810 Domes. & For. 

1811 do. do. 
1813 Domestick Arts 

Foreign do. 



1791 




$17,571,551 45 


1796 




67,064,097 00 


1801 




93,020,513 00 


1806 




103,787,000 00 


1811 




€1,317,833 00 


Exports 


of the United States four 


years 


next 


preceding the long 


embargo, viz. 


1804 




$77,701,597 


1805 




95,566,021 


1806, 


as above, 103,787,000 


1807 




108,343,558 



$385,398,176 



28,841,000 
20,797,531 
67,895,597 
61,317,833 
25,008,152 
2,847,845 



$228,122,372 



2. The comparative exports of each State, from time to time, viz. 



New -Hampshire, 

Massachusetts, 

Vermont, 

Rhode-Island, 

Connecticut, 

Wew-Yortc, 

Kew-Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

DeV-iware, 

Maryland, 

Virginia, 

North Carolina, 

South-Carolina, 

Beorgia, 



year 1791 
2,445,975 



vear 1799 

$ 300,089 

11,421,591 

20,430 

1,055,273 

1,143,818 

18,719,527 

9 7*^2 

12,431^967 

297,065 

16,299,(509 

6,292,986 

435,921 

8,729,015 

1,398,768 



470,131 

710,340 

2,516,197 

27,957 

2,931,624 

119,8-10 

2,193,355 

3,131.227 

524,543 

1,866,021 

491,472 

Ohio, 

Territories of the U. 
Georgetown, 
Alexandria, 
Michigan, 
New-Orleans, 



year 1806 

$ 795,260 

21,199,243 

193,775 

2,091,835 

1,715,858 

21,762,845 

33,867 

17,574,502 

500,106 

14,iS0.905 

5,055,396 

789,605 

9,743,782 

no return. 

62,318 

3. 4,100,583 

254.353? 

991,793 i 

22i,?;;o 

3,837,323 



Dom. Arts, 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 

do. 

do. 
do. 



year 1813 
$ 29,996 
1,807,923 

236,802 

974,303 

8,185,494 

10,260 

3,577,117 

133,432 
3,787,865 
1,819,722 

797,318 
2,968,434 
1,004,595 



1,337,498 
1,045,153 



31 

3. The kind of exports from the United States, as articles do- 
mestick or foreign; i»roduclious of the forest, agriculture, uf Ihe sea, &c. 



Prod, of the forest, 
of the sea, 
of agriculture, 
of m.mufact. 

Miscellaneous, 



Foreign articles, 



Year 1801 
4,t)00,00() 
3,420,000 

30,390,000 

2,100,000 

430,000 



Year ISO 5 
5,201,000 
2,8H4,00O 

31,35'i,000 

2,525,000 

155,000 



Year 1800 
4,801,000 
3,110,000 

32,375,000 

2,707,000 

445,000 



Year 1807 
5,470,000 
2,804,009 

37,832,000 

2,120,000 

408,000 



41,440,000 
30,231,597 



42,377,000 
53,179,021 



43,504,000 
00,283,000 



48,700,000 
50,043,578 



77,671,597 I 95,556.021 I 103,787,0001108,343,578 

This statement shews, that al)0ut three fourthsof Ihe domeslirk exports 
of the United Stales are Ihe [iroduce of asriculture, and for four years 
prior to the em!)argo, exceeded on an average 33 millions a year. It 
will readily be seen what great hisst s there must have I een in regard 
to these articles, when the regular expoitatiou of them has I'een capri- 
ciously interrupted for 7 years past, hy eml)argoes, restrictions and 
war, the same as to the produce of the forest, and, that of the sea; the 
latter amounting, on an average, for four years nest before the em- 
bargo, to above 3 millions of dollars a year, has been by restrictions 
and war, wholly destroyed — And the shipping em doyed formea'ly, in 
actpiiring these productions of the sea, is nearly rotten at the wharves, 
and the seamen engaged in this branch of business, very important, in 
a publick view, are sr.Httei'prf and cone. 

The ilomeatick articles in the foui j,<rnis next before the restrictive 
system, were 50 millions more than the same articles exported in the 
four years under it, and before the war. 



NOTE.— Page 8. 

Extract from Report of the Secretary of the Navy, dated Novembet 

15, 1814. 

There is another branch of the service which appears to me to ra^rit 
the serious deliberationof the legislature, with regard tothe establishment 
of some regular system, by which the voluntary enlistmenls lor the navy 
may derive occasional reinforcement from the services of those seamen, 
who, pursuing theirown private occupations, are exempt, by their itine- 
rant habits, from publick service of any kind. In my view there would 
be nothing incompatible with the free spirit of our institutions, or with 
the rights of individuals, if registers, with a particular descriptive re- 
cord, were kept in the several districts, of all the seamen l)elonging to 
the United States, and provision made bj' law for chissing and calling 
into the publick service, in succession, for reasonable stated periods, 
such portions or classes, as the publick service might require, and if any 



y-2 

iiulivulual, so called, should be absent at the lime, the next in suc- 
cession shoulil perforin the tour of duty of the abseiilec, who should, 
on his return, he liable to serve his oj'iginal tour, and his substitute he 
cxeinjit from his succeeding regular tour of duty. 

NOTE. 

It apjiears from the following extract from a speech of Mr. Madison, 
in the De'iates of the Virginia Convention, that he had a prophetick 
view of circumstances which would induce a majority of States to sup- 
pout \'^iR(;iNi.\ against the cam/ing Slates. See also the sjieeches of 
Mr. Nicholas in that Convention, and the essays in the Federalist, 
written by Blr. Madison. 

Extract from debates in Virginia Couvention, — Richmond Ed. p. 224. 

I will not sit down fill I make one more observation on what fell 
from my honourable friend. He says, that the true difference between 
the states lies in this circumstance — that some are carrying stales, and 
others productive, and that the operation of the new government will 
J)e, that there will be a plurality of the former to combine against the 
interest of the latter, and that consequently it will be dangerous to put 
it in their power to do so. I would join witl) him in sentiment, if 
this were the case. Were this within the bounds of probability. I 
should be equally alarmed, but 1 think that those States which are 
contradistinguished as carrying stales, from the nou-im;)ortiug sfates, 
will be but few. I suppose the southern states will be considered liy 
all, as ihuKt tlip latter description. Some other states have been 
mentioned liy an honouraMp mem'iei' on ine same side, viliic1> are nut 
considered as carrying states. New-Jersey and Conneclicnt can by 
no means i.e enumerated among the carrying states. Tliey receive 
their supplies through New -York. Here then is a plurality of non- 
imjiorting states. 1 could add another if necessary. Delaware, though 
situated upon the water, is upon the list of non-carrying states. I 
mi?ht si<y that a great part of New-Hampshire is so. I believe a ma- 
jority of the people of that State receive their supplies from Massachu- 
setts, Rhode-island, and Connecticut. — Might I not add all those states 
which will lie admitted hereafter into the union .' These will le non- 
carrying states, and will support Virginia in case the carrying states 
iviM attempt to combine against the rest. 



;^.3>>> 






^^^— <K' -=^ -^-^^ 


















j :x> » 2 



.3>:£?L) j3)_3 ■■ -' -i^ 2) 2- 
> >^2>^ ^-P 1> J;333 . j:>5a»3^' 















3> >_»o "ZaCR^^ :j»> -^' 
- ■>;3>^ 3e»,» -■>^3*: 



■ 3^3>V2> - 3- :s>:> b 

3 ~_3>_ . 2> 3 -> :2J.-- 2>3. 5^r^ 
3 ' ::3>3 .!> 3 ■:>- 3 :sx> ^o ^ 
"J > 3e>,^ ■>-.--•> -^»>3-^ ^ 



"033 ZX^> )?i)3;3-^ 3:).3>> >3!: 



> I»> ;3»> - ^;»5 



vsv5;JaE> 3>3 



-^^^^ >3PX335> a3)3:) >j'Z>^3 3 ■■> •» 2S>3>3 



^zx>^ rxip ;,3>3':> .3 5 r:>~ ;3> -> > asi> 



J>:>3>? -33e>j>r3>2>' 



S>3eLZX>- 

3)3r» 



>^->3> 72>« J 3>:>> .j:> °>^j> . ;> > >>! 

x3":3> ■T3D»'s^' > "3> :>^' • >5 "3>>\:> >,• ■ ■ 55:: 
A> i> 3» 3 i§> Xi 33 v^^ 3^=0 ^ 
jZ> J> 3s>,>5' ■) 32> 3> » --> .>S£) >->^:> 5 1251 

y5>. ^Z553-' 3 3> '33333 3~3'T» >-'o3'':& 



333 : 

> :> 3 ) 

«> J 3 5 . 

1> 33 ^ 

-■> x^ i 



3>::>03:> TS> 35 '3) 33>3 3 -^ ~> 38^ 3 ^3 






^?^' 









)) ) :> 



> :> > ) ) 7> ^ 
























33 I>-X>::^^v:^^.a)" 






^D2JtZ» :P^i 












iB >g ->^>^> 



3> -5> ^ 






>3>^3> .3>^3^3^: 
*-22^ *->'j>> »iQ»:5> X ■> 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 896 655 7 



